Kaiser Wilhelm's Germany 1890–1914

Mark Scheme (2 marks each, max 4):

Inference 1: Germany wanted to challenge French dominance in Morocco / Germany aimed to assert itself as a global power. Evidence: Wilhelm declared support for Morocco's "independence," directly contradicting French plans to make it a protectorate.

Inference 2: Germany expected international support for its position / Germany wanted to split the Entente Cordiale. Evidence: The reference to "all nations" and "complete equality" suggests Germany believed other trading nations (especially Britain) would support free access to Morocco against French monopoly.

Note: Each inference must be supported by detail from the source to gain both marks.

Mark Scheme (Level Descriptors):

Level 4 (7–8 marks): Evaluates both sources using NOP and own knowledge. Reaches a substantiated judgment about relative utility. Considers limitations as well as usefulness. Uses precise contextual knowledge.

Level 3 (5–6 marks): Evaluates both sources with some reference to provenance OR own knowledge. Some attempt at judgment.

Level 2 (3–4 marks): Describes content of sources with some comment on usefulness; limited use of provenance or own knowledge.

Level 1 (1–2 marks): Simple statements about what the sources show; no evaluation.

Model paragraph: Source A is highly useful because it comes directly from the Kaiser himself during the First Moroccan Crisis — a primary source capturing German foreign policy in action. It shows Germany's use of "free trade" rhetoric to mask power politics, reflecting the aims of Weltpolitik. However, as a public speech reported in the German press, it was crafted for domestic consumption and conceals the private diplomatic calculations of Bülow. Source B is useful for showing British public anxiety about the naval race in 1909 — the height of naval tension. As a Punch cartoon aimed at middle-class British readers, it reflects genuine popular concern rather than just elite worry. Its limitation is that it gives only the British perspective and may exaggerate German intentions for satirical effect. Together the sources are most useful when read alongside diplomatic records and memoirs that reveal private motivations behind public posturing.

Mark Scheme:

Level 4 (7–8 marks): Accurate, well-structured narrative of BOTH crises. Clear analysis of cause and consequence linking events to outcomes. Shows how one event leads to another. Uses precise factual detail.

Level 3 (5–6 marks): Accurate narrative of both crises; some analytical links. Some factual error or missing connections.

Level 2 (3–4 marks): Mostly accurate; limited analysis; may only cover one crisis.

Model narrative: The First Moroccan Crisis of 1905 began when France moved to establish a protectorate over Morocco, threatening to exclude other powers from its markets. Germany, seeking to test the recently formed Entente Cordiale and gain colonial concessions, orchestrated Wilhelm II's dramatic landing at Tangier in March 1905, where he publicly declared support for Moroccan independence. Germany expected this to split Britain from France, but at the Algeciras Conference of 1906 only Austria-Hungary supported Germany; Britain, Russia and the United States backed France. The crisis thus backfired, strengthening the Entente rather than breaking it, and humiliating Germany on the world stage. Six years later, when France again moved to tighten its grip on Morocco during a local rebellion, Germany dispatched the gunboat Panther to the port of Agadir in July 1911. This more aggressive challenge alarmed Britain, whose Chancellor of the Exchequer Lloyd George delivered the Mansion House Speech, warning Germany that Britain could not be treated as if it had "no interest" in Morocco. Faced with British opposition, Germany accepted a strip of the French Congo as compensation — a settlement widely mocked in Germany as inadequate. The consequences were profound: German nationalists demanded more aggressive future action; France and Britain strengthened their military cooperation through the "naval conversations"; and European armies accelerated war planning, making the diplomatic management of future crises far more difficult.

Mark Scheme (12 marks for content + 4 marks for SPaG):

Level 4 (10–12 marks): Sustained analysis of multiple factors; clear argument throughout; evidence used precisely to support judgment; considers and weighs counter-arguments; reaches a developed, substantiated conclusion.

Level 3 (7–9 marks): Analytical argument with some counter-argument; good factual support; conclusion present but not fully developed.

Level 2 (4–6 marks): Some argument; mostly descriptive; limited counter-argument.

Level 1 (1–3 marks): Largely descriptive; simple one-sided response.

Essay Plan (Grade 9 structure):

Introduction: Define Weltpolitik; state your argument — Germany's aggressive foreign policy was a major cause but must be weighed against other factors including Austria-Hungary's actions, the alliance system, the arms race, and the assassination.

Para 1 — For (Weltpolitik as main cause): Naval expansion alarmed Britain; Moroccan Crises isolated Germany and strengthened Entente; "Blank Cheque" July 1914 directly enabled Austrian ultimatum; Fischer thesis — Germany sought war for domination aims; domestic pressures (SPD rise) made leadership willing to risk war.

Para 2 — Counter-argument (other factors): Austria-Hungary's determination to crush Serbia after Franz Ferdinand's assassination; Russia's decision to mobilise; the alliance system creating automatic escalation; Serbian nationalism; the Schlieffen Plan's rigidity leaving no diplomatic off-ramp.

Para 3 — Evaluation: Weltpolitik created the hostile atmosphere that made July 1914 so dangerous; without it the alliance blocs and arms races that turned a local assassination into a world war would not have formed. However, the immediate trigger was Austrian-Serbian-Russian escalation. Germany's responsibility lies primarily in the long-term context-setting and in the "Blank Cheque" decision.

Conclusion: Weltpolitik was arguably the most important long-term cause of WW1 because it created the conditions (Entente, arms race, German isolation) that made escalation inevitable once a crisis began. However, the immediate cause was the decision-making in July–August 1914, in which Germany, Austria-Hungary, Russia, and others all bore responsibility.